| April 7, 2003 issue
A Time for Unity
Pat Buchanan
After the blowing up of the Maine in Havana harbor in 1898, McKinley
issued a call for 25,000 volunteers to liberate Cuba from Spain.
1,000,000 responded. When the Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor, the lines at
recruiting stations went around the block.
This war is different. It is a war the president and Secretary Powell
said they did not want to fight but must if Iraq refuses to disarm.
Thus, on the eve of war, the mood here seems less one of war enthusiasm
than of resignation and a grim resolve to get it over with.
The war debate has been protracted and bitter. Now it is over, and
patriotism commands that when American soldiers face death in battle,
the American people unite behind them.
Yet before the first shot is fired, it is clear the world we knew has
changed forever. Old institutions have been shaken, old alliances riven.
Some will not be rebuilt or repaired in our lifetimes.
How far away seems Sept. 11. After that horror, Le Monde
headlined France’s solidarity with us: “We are all Americans now!”
Yet, only 18 months later, President Bush had to meet his British and
Spanish allies at a U.S. air base on an isolated rock in the Atlantic.
Had he gone to Madrid or London, mammoth protests would have disrupted
his war summit.
NATO is shattered. For France and Germany were not content to
dissent. President Chirac labored ceaselessly to sabotage U.S. policy
and strip it of legitimacy. Neither his nor Gerhard Schroeder’s
relationship with President Bush can ever be the same. And the British
are as bitter with Chirac as the Americans. The European Union is a
house divided.
As we write, Turkey appears about to reverse its parliamentary
decision to deny U.S. troops use of Turkish soil to open a second front.
But the stinging rebuff from our ally of 50 years will not be forgotten.
As for the UN, the benefit of two generations of indoctrination of
American school kids in the myth that it is the last best hope of
mankind has been lost. Should U.S. casualties be high, contempt for the
UN will be pandemic.
In the Arab world, resentment of the United States and its policies
has never been greater. And if war brings nightly pictures of Iraqi dead
and wounded and civilians fleeing U.S. bombs in terror, the recruiters
for al-Qaeda will reap a rich harvest.
In Europe, 80 to 90 percent oppose war. Tens of millions despise our
president, even in Britain, Spain, and Italy. Governments in Eastern
Europe are with us, but the people are not.
The question arises: why were we and the Brits so isolated
diplomatically and militarily as we go to war to rid the world of the
beast of Baghdad?
America led the world to victory in the Cold War. We remain the
world’s lone superpower, dominant in ways the British Empire never
was. But as war looms, we no longer lead the world, for the world
refuses to follow. In Asia, Europe, and Latin American, tens of millions
now see us as a rogue superpower. Why?
The New World Order of George H. W. Bush’s vision, where the United
States would work through the UN to police the world, as free trade
spread and democratization deepened, can now never be realized by his
son. The Clinton vision, where America would nurture the institutions of
world government that would grow in power to constrain the sovereignty
of nations to create world peace, is also dead.
What is America’s vision now? What is our president’s vision of
our place and our role in the world?
Interventionism appears to have bred the very isolation that the
interventionists most feared. Yet, once Saddam is dead or gone and Iraq
is disarmed, the Bush Doctrine—“We will not let the world’s worst
dictators threaten us the world’s worst weapons”—seems to require
new ultimatums to Iran and North Korea.
Who will be with us in these wars? Will Tony Blair, after his
near-death experience, be up for fighting another war? Where does the
last superpower go after Baghdad? These questions are ahead of this
nation and this president.
But today’s imperative is that the United States win this war we
are in with as little bloodshed as is consistent with swift and certain
victory and make good on our commitment to liberate the Iraqis. The time
for debate will come again. It is not now. Now, we should pray for our
brave men and women and commander in chief. God bless and keep America.
Copyright © 2003 The American Conservative
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